A king cannot be removed from office. That is a prominent reason why we are not a monarchy. The people of the United States and later Texas chose to form republics instead, limiting the duration of government powers.
Ordinarily powers are limited by, and transfer with, elections in a republic. What happens though when corruption arises in office and is sustained by its official powers? What safeguards the people from injury while an egregious officer holds power?
Powerful and potentially dangerous equipment and systems often include a mechanism that renders it safe in the event of a breakdown or malfunction. The framers of our constitutions put that failsafe in the House of Representatives, the body closest to the people and who are elected every two years. It is the power of impeachment.
The U.S. House and Texas House require only a simple majority to impeach. That threshold is designed to thwart and arrest abuses in office. A higher threshold of a two-thirds majority is required to convict an impeached official in the Senate.
When compelling allegations, evidence and timing demands impeachment, it can immediately check abuse and uphold the integrity of the office and thus protect those it serves. Impeachment still is not pretty or pleasant.
Impeachment interrupts everything. Impeachment is like drawing a weapon, taking a bead and yelling, 性视界传媒淪top! Stop! Stop!性视界传媒 to bring an immediate end of harm and abuse. It is the House of Representatives insisting that credible charges and evidence of official wrongdoing against a high and powerful office holder be examined and tried in the Senate, and if the office holder is found guilty by the Senate, permanently removed from office.
Impeachment especially provides a check on the executive branch because it can and must at times wield vast powers quickly and can do so over a lengthy period of time 性视界传媒 four years in the case of the president of the United States and the highest executive offices in Texas, including the governor, lieutenant governor, comptroller and attorney general.
Also because power corrupts, unless it is accompanied by humility and self-control (virtues not often found in politicians), John Adams asserts that 性视界传媒渟ociety性视界传媒檚 demands for moral authority and character increase as the importance of the position increases.性视界传媒 An impeachment trial in the Senate answers that demand.
The powers vested in high offices for the well being and protection of citizens can be upended, selfishly twisted, neglected and corrupted, causing injury and injustice. When credible allegations expose such, it is time to speak up for those who cannot speak for themselves (Proverbs 31:8).
The Texas House has done this by impeaching Ken Paxton and suspending him as the attorney general. It is now time for the Texas Senate to speak: to acquit or convict him based on the evidence; and if the latter, to bar him from public service.
What can we do? We can pray that the lieutenant governor acting as judge over the impeachment trial will preside with wisdom and impartiality. We can pray that the senators as jurors will reach a righteous determination of innocence or guilt based on the evidence presented and not be blinded by personal and political influences.
The people are king in a republic. They cannot be removed from office. Those who are elected to serve them can and must be removed when they subvert their office by abuse or neglect. Impeachment in the House and an impeachment trial in the Senate serve as that fail-safe system to uphold moral authority and integrity in between elections and when official powers are used to delay and defer justice or disguise corruption.
Tolerating protracted abuses of high powers is not an option. Not convicting, if the evidence demands it, sends a message of open season on the pillars of the republic, liberty and justice, and on its people.
