One of the most fundamental rights in a free and open democracy is the right to peaceably assemble and protest. In the 1960s, protesters took to American streets demanding social change, political change and an end to war, and it seems as though we性视界传媒檝e entered a new age of unrest over the past few months with mass protests against the Trump administration, like the nationwide 性视界传媒淣o Kings性视界传媒 demonstrations held June 14.
In 1963, American legal scholar and Yale professor Thomas Emerson wrote that this type of free expression 性视界传媒渙perates, in short, as a catharsis throughout the body politic.性视界传媒 In other words, protesting allows us to purge ourselves of emotions, like anger and frustration, that might otherwise remain pent up, perhaps to the detriment of a cohesive society.
But are rallies and demonstrations merely a way to 性视界传媒渓et off steam,性视界传媒 as Emerson put it? Can they actually be a catalyst for change? Or has the state power structure simply become too big and too entrenched to be swayed by people with signs and bullhorns?
What history says
You can certainly point to many successful protest movements in our nation性视界传媒檚 history, beginning with the protests against British taxation that gave birth to the American Revolution. Fair treatment of workers, women性视界传媒檚 suffrage and civil rights were all achieved through mass demonstrations.
More recent protests for a higher minimum wage and protests against police brutality following the deaths of minorities at the hands of law enforcement have brought awareness to these issues and have been at least partially successful in spurring change.
But as for the question of what ultimately makes a protest successful, the answer is complicated.
Academic perspective
Kelly Bergstrand, associate professor of sociology at the University of Texas at Arlington, has for years studied social movements. She said a major factor in whether coordinated protests are successful is the political environment in which they occur. Are the people in power sympathetic to the protesters性视界传媒 goals? If so, there性视界传媒檚 a good chance of success. If not, calls for change are unlikely to influence policy.
The goals themselves are another factor, said Bergstrand.
性视界传媒淚 think a lot of people fixate on social movements having federal change, national change, and that性视界传媒檚 not necessarily where we see the changes,性视界传媒 she said. 性视界传媒淵ou can see changes at local levels, city levels, state levels. You can have corporations changing practices.性视界传媒
Unsurprisingly, it性视界传媒檚 hard, Bergstrand said, to achieve large-scale goals like ending racism or bringing about world peace. However, protests do often achieve goals that go largely unnoticed but are nonetheless impactful in the long run.
性视界传媒淲hen people engage in protest, there性视界传媒檚 a lot of hope,性视界传媒 said Bergstrand. 性视界传媒淵ou want something to change. No one性视界传媒檚 listening to you, and you go out there with a lot of hope. When the nitty gritty actually settles, it性视界传媒檚 not a transformed world nine times out of 10. But it性视界传媒檚 these little micro changes that take a long time. You know, maybe your co-worker has a different conversation with you at your desk than they might have five years ago. Maybe a TV show portrays actors and actresses a little differently.性视界传媒
Bergstrand believes the Black Lives Matter protests against police brutality were an example of that. She said the movement性视界传媒檚 organizers perhaps didn性视界传媒檛 achieve all they set out to achieve, but several cities across the country adopted new policies, like banning police choke holds, that reflect a shift in mindset.
The 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests, where activists rallied against wealth inequality in America, were another example of this. The Occupy movement has been criticized for being disjointed and not having sufficiently specific goals, but experts agree that it did, at the very least, open up a conversation around income disparity that continues today.
Protests against the administration
Oftentimes, Bergstrand said, social movements take time to gain momentum and influence. The civil rights movement was most fervent from the mid 1950s to the late 1960s, but in some ways it continues today. Scholars point to the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848 as being the start of the women性视界传媒檚 suffrage movement, but women didn性视界传媒檛 get the right to vote until 1920.
Only time will tell, then, if this year性视界传媒檚 demonstrations will achieve their goals. But they do have two ingredients that Bergstrand said help a protest movement性视界传媒檚 chances of success: numbers and a well-defined focal point.
The focal point is, of course, President Donald Trump and his administration性视界传媒檚 policies related to things like immigration, the economy and federal spending. As far as numbers, multiple media outlets reported that more than 5 million people attended last weekend性视界传媒檚 性视界传媒淣o Kings性视界传媒 protests around the country.
Other recent protests against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement deportations have garnered anywhere from thousands to just a handful of people at events in more than a dozen states, according to NBC News.
The more people they have, the more attention these protests get, and the more attention they receive, the more likely they are to force the people in charge to take notice, either out of fear of political reprisal or fear over the cost of simmering resentment in the country.
The role of violence
While Americans are guaranteed the right to peaceful assembly, in some cases protests do turn violent. On June 10, the city of Los Angeles enacted a curfew to combat looting and vandalism during anti-deportation protests. There were also reports of demonstrators hurling objects at police.
Hundreds of active-duty U.S. Marines and thousands of National Guard troops were deployed to Los Angeles to help maintain order. But many, including California Gov. Gavin Newsom, called these deployments unnecessary, saying they further inflamed tensions.
According to a June 9 BBC report from the Los Angeles protests, 性视界传媒渓aw enforcement used tear gas, rubber bullets and flash bangs to control the crowd.性视界传媒
Bergstrand said violence of this kind gets people性视界传媒檚 attention, so more people are more likely to see what性视界传媒檚 happening. But violence on the part of protesters is often viewed negatively, whereas police or military violence against protesters can make people more sympathetic to the demonstrators性视界传媒 cause. As for whether peaceful protests are more successful than violent ones, Bergstrand said 性视界传媒渋t性视界传媒檚 honestly a mixed bag.性视界传媒 According to her, it all depends on the situation.
When Erica Chenoweth, a Harvard professor, looked at more than 100 years of protests, she and her fellow researchers discovered that nonviolent political protests were twice as effective as ones that relied on violence.
Protest as a pressure valve?
As for Emerson性视界传媒檚 belief that protests are a way of blowing off steam, Bergstrand doesn性视界传媒檛 necessarily see it that way. She sees it as a legitimate way for everyday people, especially marginalized people, to have a say in things.
性视界传媒淧rotesting is for people who feel like they have no other choice to have their voice heard,性视界传媒 said Bergstrand. 性视界传媒淚t is the power of the people, because a lot of people are excluded from political systems. They don性视界传媒檛 have the political power, the money and the access.
性视界传媒淪o for people who are experiencing a political closure, meaning their particular politicians are not listening to their agenda, this is it. This is the only route they have access to. So, in some ways, when you性视界传媒檙e talking about the effectiveness of protests, it also needs to be compared to the people engaging in it. I性视界传媒檓 sure it性视界传媒檚 probably not as effective as having $200 million to fund congressional races. But (protesters) don性视界传媒檛 have $200 million. What they have is their voice and their body. That性视界传媒檚 it.性视界传媒
